Social movements are often portrayed as the battlegrounds for oppressed groups protesting for equality in contemporary societies. However, this examination reflects critically on the fact that those who take to the streets to protest may not represent the most marginalized individuals in society. Rather, they are often individuals who possess the resources, time, and energy to engage in activism. This blog post will argue this perspective by exploring the Resource Mobilization Approach and Cultural Capital Theory, describing the characteristics of those most likely to protest and examining macro-level trends in protest across countries. Hopefully I will raise the question if we should not make a (theoretical) distinction between those who are mobilized and those who you don’t hear; the marginalized.
From theory to reality; Resource Mobilization Approach and Cultural Capital Theory
The Resource Mobilization Approach explains that social movements require resources—financial, human, social, and cultural—to mobilize effectively (McAdam et al., 1996). According to this approach those who protest often have access to these resources, enabling them to organize, network and create sympathy for their causes. Thus, protests may reflect the interests of relatively empowered groups rather than the deeply marginalized.
The Cultural Capital Theory of Bourdieu and Passeron (1979) suggests that individuals possess different levels of cultural capital; knowledge, skills, education and behavior that are related to the culture of a certain class in society; citizens with a high socioeconomic status (SES) do more often attain the so-called ‘highbrow activities’ such as opera and classical music. Attending these kinds of events requires a significant knowledge of culture. Because high SES parents pass on their cultural knowledge to their close ties and family members (e.g. children), cultural capital is, according to Bordieu and Passeron (1979), causing reproduction of social inequality. In light of protest participation; those with higher cultural capital are more likely to engage in political activism, as they are better equipped and more invited by their environment to understand societal norms, values and injustices. Thus, those two theories illustrate that while protests aim for broader social justice, the voices of the mobilized in the movement are often the ones that already have some degree of privilege.
A free ticket to protest participation; go to university, having a family member that is part of a union and become friends with those who are already protesting
Previous research indicates that individuals with certain demographic characteristics are more likely to engage in protests (Brady et al., 1995; Eisinger, 1974; Paulsen, 1994; Schussman & Soule, 2005).
One of them is high educational attainment. Education enhances awareness of social issues and cultivates critical thinking skills that can motivate activism. For instance, educated individuals often have better access to information about injustices and are more capable of articulating their grievances effectively (Schussman & Soule, 2005). Next to this, people from middle to upper socioeconomic backgrounds are more likely to protest than those from lower-income brackets. This trend is often linked to the availability of resources—financial and time—that allow for participation in activism. Low-income individuals may struggle to prioritize protesting over immediate survival needs, such as employment and housing (Brady et al., 1995; Eisinger, 1974). Social capital, defined by the connections and networks individuals maintain, plays a crucial role in mobilizing protests. Those embedded in activist networks or communities are more likely to engage in collective action (Putnam, 2000). This social capital can provide not only encouragement but also practical resources—such as information about upcoming protests, transportation, and shared experiences (Putnam, 2000).
Besides this, new research shows that access (or not) to the internet creates a new division within contemporary society; the ones that have access to information and communication and those who don’t (Norris & Inglehart, 2013).
These characteristics highlight a significant disparity: while individuals engaged in protests may seek to represent marginalized voices, the reality is that they often reflect those with greater resources and opportunities.
Your passport is providing the possibility to protest
Looking at a macro level, we see patterns that further illustrate this argument. Countries with relatively less marginalized citizens—those with higher levels of education, better economic stability, and more robust social safety nets—tend to experience higher rates of protest. For instance, research has shown that wealthier democracies, such as Sweden and Canada, often witness significant levels of civic engagement, including protests; protesting is a sign of a healthy democracy (Lober, 1995; Tilly & Wood, 2015).
The sound of silence
While protests often gain media attention, they frequently overlook the voices of truly marginalized groups—those who lack the resources to engage in public demonstrations or the countries that don’t possess the right of free speech. These individuals may include low-income workers, undocumented immigrants (or those who are not able to migrate at all), those facing systemic discrimination due to race, gender, or disability, those who are homeless, those who are socially isolated and feel lonely and those who are living in war. For these groups, the barriers to participation in protests are substantial.* Maybe we need a new definition of protest or social movements and a theoretical framework that is accounting for those who are invisible. Should we not pay more attention to the sound of silence?
*As the writer of this article, my goal was to reflect critically on the theoretical assumptions about ‘marginalized groups that start protesting’ and pay attention to those who are not or less represented in social movements and do not have the means to let their voice be heard; the sound of silence. I want to make it clear that I highly respect protesters that fight for a better position for marginalized groups in society, even when they are not part of those groups themselves. I am aware of the fact that one of the reasons why protesters protest is precisely the fact that they have the means to stand up for people who are not able to stand up for themselves and want to encourage them to keep doing this. Besides this, I want to invite you, to think consciously about and be grateful for your privilege as a reader of this article.
Referenties
Bordieu, P., & Passeron, J. C. (1979). The inheritors, French students and their relation to culture. University of Chicago Press, 2.
Brady, H. E., Verba, S., & Schlozman, K. L. (1995). Beyond SES: a resource model of political participation. American Political Science Review, 89(2), 271–294. https://doi.org/10.2307/2082425
Eisinger, P. K. (1974). Racial differences in protest participation. American Political Science Review, 68(2), 592–606. https://doi.org/10.2307/1959507
Lober, D. J. (1995). Why protest? Policy Studies Journal, 23(3), 499–518. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.1995.tb00526.x
McAdam, D., McCarthy, J. D., & Zald, M. N. (1996). Introduction: Opportunities, mobilizing structures, and framing processes – toward a synthetic, comparative perspective on social movements. In Cambridge University Press eBooks (pp. 1–20). https://doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511803987.002
Norris, P., & Inglehart, R. (2013). Digital divide. In Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks. https://doi.org/10.4337/9781781004876.00018
Paulsen, R. (1994). Status and Action: How stratification affects the protest participation of young adults. Sociological Perspectives, 37(4), 635–649. https://doi.org/10.2307/1389282
Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: the collapse and revival of American community. Choice Reviews Online, 38(04), 38–2454. https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.38-2454
Schussman, A., & Soule, S. A. (2005). Process and Protest: Accounting for individual protest participation. Social Forces, 84(2), 1083–1108. https://doi.org/10.1353/sof.2006.0034
Tilly, C., & Wood, L. J. (2015). Social Movements, 1768 – 2012. In Routledge eBooks. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315632070
